RENATO SIMONI: Ciò che importa è vivere da galantuomo (Italian Edition)

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The inclusion of the Tunis campaign with Don Juan means it could have been written no earlier than mid-autumn The opening paragraph explains how the document is to be read: it is arranged in three columns, two of which — actually the left and right margins — contain the bare bones. Designs by him for Messina, Palermo and Trapani had been in discussion and, at least in the case of Palermo, under construction, since the beginning of Brancaccio could hardly have had a better reference if he had written it himself.


Certainly, ten or more years later, Brancaccio himself made the point in print, bitterly bemoaning that the King of Spain had not allowed him to take a leading role in his army comparable to the one he had had with the King of France, and this despite the good impression he had made on Don Juan and the Duke of Sessa in Naples in After having kicked his heels in France, he pestered the treasurers of the Epargne for some measly pension of which only half was paid, as I saw.

But this kind of account entry by no means implies any actual payment of the amount: normally the pensioner would need to have appeared in person, or to send an agent, to collect his money. Even if it had now been politically possible for Brancaccio to resettle in Naples always questionable, considering that Cardinal Granvelle was still viceroy , without a secure income, he would continue to need to seek patronage elsewhere.

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Whilst it is possible that he remained at least part of the time in Naples, three incidental pieces of evidence point towards Rome. Laurie Stras recently found two references to Brancaccio in the Farnese archives in Parma dating from these years. These pension payment records were transcribed and generously brought to my attention by Jeanice Brooks. Cardinal Farnese Parma , 2 October This, and the above document, were transcribed and generously passed on to me by Laurie Stras.

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This and the previous document were transcribed and generously passed on to me by Marco Bizzarini. Just where Giustiniani would have been able to hear Brancaccio give his virtuoso performances is not known, but as he belonged to one of the richest families in Rome, he presumably had access to the elite private court establishments of the princely cardinals. Luigi was a noted Francophile, as well as having a reputation for extravagance, luxury and a decidedly worldly range of interests, including music, which his elevation to cardinal in apparently did nothing to dampen.

In , he returned permanently to Rome from France with a reported entourage of persons. He had already planned many details of the realization of the venture, which were needless to say extravagant. Brancaccio tried to tempt the duke with the offer of some songs for the ladies of the court see Chapter 4 , and reiterated his intention of dedicating the Caesar to him.

But the fact is, despite his complaints, Brancaccio was in no position to bargain as he was completely penniless. Alfonso had made Brancaccio a counter-offer, the full implications of which, as will become clear in the discussion in Chapter 7, Brancaccio either did not really appreciate, or chose to ignore.

For further discussion of this passage, see Chapter 8. That Brancaccio should be relating such a titbit of gossip to the duchess is testimony of the easy-going relationship between the two, which manifested itself again in the affectionate way that the duchess gave Brancaccio 50 scudi so he could leave Ferrara in style after his ignominious dismissal from court two years later. During a visit to the court by Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, Brancaccio was sulky and had to be coaxed into singing see Chapter. Already, during the barge trip back from Mantua to Ferrara, Brancaccio had apparently broached the subject with the duke, because in an undated letter Appendix 2, Doc.

Saying that he does not like talking about money, Brancaccio explains that a printer to whom he has been talking Vittorio Baldini — see below has told him that this is how much it would cost to print and to have the illustrations drawn and engraved and also for the distribution costs. In early August, the whole court, including the concerto delle dame, went to the summer palace of Belriguardo, and Urbani was a house guest for two days. Was Brancaccio perhaps falling over himself to show the duke that he was indeed capable of being a model holiday guest?

His excitement a contributing cause of the fever? The following day, Brancaccio sent a completely different letter Appendix 2, Doc.

Cage , reveals that the relationship between the two printings of and is, indeed, a complex one: see Appendix 1 for further discussion. Nevertheless, Brancaccio received neither money nor answer from the duke, and on 12 December, he wrote again — directly to the duke Appendix 2, Doc. Having realized that he was not in particular favour in Ferrara, it is perhaps not surprising that Brancaccio was also sounding out other possibilities. And [he told me] that he has not wanted to accept a position with any prince until now, desiring and hoping should the occasion arise that he might be able to serve Your Majesty with his clever wit and with this spirit he lived and has lived always.

I have inquired from some of those that know of his doings, and they have told me that he is among the most intelligent of anyone living when it comes to warfare and that he has written a book about the modern form of war, applying it to that which Julius Caesar used in France, explaining the manner of waging war that is recorded in his writings.

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He preguntado a algunos que tienen noticia de sus cosas. Salvadore Corinaldi e [per] il debito al M. There is, however, good reason to assume that he not only continued to sing, but also to play a full role in court life. The publication of his book must surely have played no small part in this. And with this conclusion, I wish you all happiness. Di Tivoli ali 22 di Marzo This neat little stab is a delightful example of his considerable skill and quickness in construction.

Now if they esteem the soldiers so little, what do they think of the sappers? And how will you make war without people? Although this is very possibly a symptom of a riposte to the letterato Patrizi himself who must have been working 99 Ibid. Towards the end of the volume, Brancaccio makes the point that in most battles, victory is due to the actions of a minority, while most of the participants play no decisive role at all. This may have been a temporary address, and it is possible that he continued on to Venice at this time, as he had apparently intended when he left Ferrara see Chapter 5.

It was here, on 30 October , that Paolo Giordano Orsino made a will leaving his jewels to Vittoria and conferring his title on her heirs. The duke had been in France in the s and later in Rome during the unsuccessful Naples campaign see Chapter 2 and he had been commander of the Italian infantry under Don Juan after the battle of Lepanto. He later lived as one of the most prominent secular princes in Rome during the s. He would also have been very aware, too, of the allegation that she was murdered by her husband on unsubstantiated suspicion of adultery in Borgerding ed.

Brancaccio could conceivably have been part of his circle in Rome in the late s and early s; further research may throw more light on these relationships. Couched in the classical dialogue form, the literary style is a step on from Il Brancatio in that it allows Brancaccio to present himself directly as an acting character, and the text works rather like a play script.

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His larger-than-life sense of self-importance and his megalomania remain undiminished. In the young Alessandro Alexander , Brancaccio created an adoring disciple to sit at his feet. Besides the fact that all are aware of this fact, this is amply witnessed by your honoured writings on the Commentaries of Julius Caesar, which are unappreciated by those who most should magnify and extol them to the heavens. I would like those gentlemen to tell me what it would have cost them to learn that which you offered with such courtesy to demonstrate to them without any payment or reward.

The End. Gnoli records that Vittoria was saying the rosary as her young brother, Flaminio, was singing the Miserere to his lute. Nevertheless, in the context of his entire story, it should now be clear that as far as he himself was concerned, and within the military-courtly world that he inhabited, his musical activities were essentially highly peripheral to, or at least constituted only one of a complex of threads in, the overall weave of his identity. The complex questions posed by the practice of music-making by a member of the noble class, especially when, in the case of Brancaccio, his abilities were clearly far beyond the level of the dilettante, are not simply the problem of present-day historians.

The description in words of vocal timbres and the affective properties of different voices and singing styles presents great enough hurdles in modern writing, let alone in the interpretation of the meagre and widely scattered references in sixteenth-century texts. Brancaccio spent sixteen years in France, where he served as a gentilhomme du chambre du roi in the royal courts of three sovereigns and was very close to the Guise family. This leads to speculation that he would have deployed his musical skills as part of his courtiership, given that all these patrons were extremely supportive of, and interested in, music, and that nobles as well as professionals took part in musical performances at their courts.

Throughout the s and s Charles and his brother were dedicatees of numerous collections of vocal chamber music by Arcadelt, Jannequin, Clereau, Caietan and Lassus. Bellenger, p. Warrior, Courtier, Singer sung in private court situations. Naples: Amateur theatre Apart from the words of Antonino Castaldo, there is almost no concrete information about the precise form of the musical contributions that either Brancaccio or the other singers and instrumentalists made to the theatre performances by the Accademia degli Sereni in Naples.

He also demonstrated that the volume has a fairly sophisticated structure, with pieces arranged in modal sequences, and using a variety of mensuration signs.

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Plot-lines that turn on deception in amorous entanglements appear to have encouraged the composition of villanellas narrated by male speakers duped by women who play one lover against another. Donna G. Cardamone and James Haar Middleton, Wis. Sources describing the actual performance of villanellas, however, include references to both solo and consorted singing.

On one day, however, they discuss the merits of the villanella, wondering that foreigners should like something so apparently lowbrow, and decide to end the evening by singing some examples. Cardamone, pp. Il basso del Brancazio Thus even in this short extract we learn that villanelle could be sung either solo to the lute as with Fabrizio Dentice or a 3 with instruments.

It also suggests that the style of performing a villanella by three men accompanying themselves on instruments was perhaps a traditional or old-fashioned form. Jean-Philippe Navarre Paris, , Introduction, pp. Il basso del Brancazio singing had not pleased him, and Dinko Fabris has speculated that because Luigi Dentice was himself a falsettist, he was disparaging a rival; a simpler explanation must surely be that the soprano was Dentice himself and the comment a witty selfdeprecation.

This is a volume containing arie and madrigals for three voices by members of this very circle of musicians active in Naples in the late s, including Luigi Dentice and Scipione delle Palle.